CCP is concerned with the eradication of memory

 

The Communist Party of China (CCP) puts its own political interests ahead of the country. As a result, Chinese national pride is now inextricably linked to the Communist Party of China. Premier Zhao Ziyang, for example, was dismissed just before the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre and spent the next 16 years isolated at the party's headquarters, during which time he was not allowed to meet people or sympathisers.

Different discourses and narratives of memories and counter-memories come from the ideology of crushing different voices. Despite the fact that the CCP has tried to prohibit the celebration of the violent suppression of the Tiananmen democracy rallies, the recollections of punishment and jail are widely documented in foreign history.

Until recently, the only areas where the murder could be recalled were Hong Kong and neighbouring Macao, but limitations have been placed there as well. People and various social groups, like as the 'Tiananmen Mothers,' have held commemorations in Hong Kong and abroad in recent decades, raising worries about future democratisation and demanding legitimacy for Chinese citizens' right to protest.

The region's geopolitics is shaped by recollections of merciless oppression by the armed forces in national and international affairs. The CCP's attempts to alter the national emotional landscape by creating new narratives by intellectually and ideologically denying permission to attend memorial services for the June 4 incident must be viewed through the lens of democracy crushing.

From history textbooks to a prohibition on candle marches to commemorate the repression of people's democratic rights, Xi is doing everything he can to obliterate memories, fears of democratisation, and questions from the younger generation. Political opposition has been stifled as a result of this.

The CCP has ensured that the Constitution is riddled with inconsistencies. In practically all democratic countries, the right to peaceful protest without resorting to arson or causing harm to others has been universally recognised. It is also recognised in China as the "right to freedom of expression," which is inscribed in Article 35. At the same time, Article 33(4) refers to people' "duties established by the Constitution and the law," providing the CCP with a legal loophole to pass legislation erasing memory.

As a result, the globe is witnessing the enactment of laws such as Hong Kong's 'National Security Law' (2020), which has significantly limited Hong Kong's autonomy. The rule also applies to "non-permanent residents" and persons "from outside [Hong Kong]... who are not permanent residents of Hong Kong," granting the CCP broad powers while breaking the 1997 agreement of "one country, two systems."

The CCP's Document 9 (2013) prohibits a variety of actions, including advocating for the Western concept of constitutional democracy, neoliberalism and its idea of journalism, criticising the CCP's reforms, undermining the CCP's history, and campaigning for a "new China." Furthermore, education is actively employed as a vehicle for "socialist material civilisation and spiritual civilization," demonstrating unequivocally that the CCP's political goals are far greater than the people's inherent freedom of speech and expression.

Furthermore, the CCP's leadership over the socialist legal system triumphed, and the people were forced to submit to the party leadership, according to the 4th Plenum of the 18th Central Committee (2014).

As a result, a restriction on dissent or demonstration has geopolitical ramifications. As they have demonstrated less tolerance for public dissent and opposition, the CCP has expanded its efforts to limit public expression on media and the internet. Criminal charges can be brought against lawyers who provide counter-arguments to the state under Article 306 of the Criminal Code and Article 42 of the Procedure Code.

Furthermore, the All-China Lawyers Association's code of practise requires all lawyers to be loyal to the party first, and then to the state. As a result, the CCP has ruthlessly repressed dissenting voices through widespread arrests and harsh punishment of human rights attorneys.

The '709 crackdown,' which began in 2015, is notable for arresting a number of lawyers, as well as social and legal activists like Li Qiaochu and Xu Zhiyong, to mention a few. Former Central Party schoolteacher Cai Xia, who compared the CCP to a "political zombie," was sentenced to 18 years in prison.

We will never forget the brave heroes of Tiananmen. The largest peaceful demonstrations in history until the People’s Liberation Army fired on the people. pic.twitter.com/JMcI1Veaxk

— Drew Pavlou (@DrewPavlou) June 4, 2022

Even during the most crucial periods of the Covid epidemic, the CCP's proclivity to silence critics and employ force did not abate. The horrific sights of the coercive tactics employed for its 'Zero Covid' policy were broadcast to the world's media. The CCP has lately reaffirmed its commitment to "combat any discourse that distorts, doubts, or rejects our country's Covid-control policy."

Independent investigations concerning the outbreak's handling have been demanded in China and on international platforms. Of course, the Chinese authorities have vehemently rejected such demands, as one might anticipate.

Nonetheless, the Uyghurs' cultural genocide, mass detention, and illegal organ harvesting have been raised numerous times in the international media and on various platforms such as Amnesty International and the United Nations, in addition to denying them their constitutional right to protest against state-sanctioned atrocities.

Inhumane and degrading treatment is also meted out to Kazakhs and other mostly Muslim minorities in Xinjiang. The most inhumane treatment has been meted out to minorities, human rights advocates, and lawyers.

From a critical standpoint, Chinese President Xi Jinping is aggressively employing rectification programmes to take over the CCP's leadership for life, using the same means that were used to squash political dissent. From basic school through university level, 'Xi Jinping thought' was included into the curriculum in 2021.

One of the ideas emphasises the "total authority of the party over the people," distorting the essential ideals of the military forces in protecting the country. Instead, the PLA is now protecting Xi Jinping and the CCP's interests. In an ideal environment, everyone owes their allegiance to their country or homeland; however, this is not the case in China. The drafting of laws in China is thus marked by deliberate distortions.

A significant topic is how the CCP can erase memory of harsh regulations and their application, whether of the Tiananmen Square massacre or the restrictions imposed on Wuhan, Beijing, and Shanghai during Covid-19. Have the draconian quarantine restrictions not left an indelible mark on the Chinese people's minds? In the private sector, such realities would be transmitted and retold from generation to generation.

How many more decades can the authoritarian bubble survive, given its need to drown dissenting voices on a regular basis, creating a vicious circle? The CCP's ideology of prioritising party loyalty over national loyalty has been a major contributor to its wrongdoings. Building legitimacy through counter-memories does not always result in long-term commitment; in fact, it can occasionally end in devastating outcomes.